Reportative evidentiality in Paraguayan Guaranı́
نویسنده
چکیده
Judith Tonhauser, The Ohio State University This talk explores the meaning of the Paraguayan Guaranı́ reportative evidential clitic =ndaje, based on corpus data and data collected in fieldwork, and compares its distribution and meaning to that of (reportative) evidential markers in e.g. St’át’imcets (Matthewson et al. 2007), Quechua (Faller 2002, 2007), Cheyenne (Murray 2010), and Tagalog (Schwager 2008, Kierstead 2012). The talk also discusses strategies for dealing with conflicting speaker judgments. The meaning of atomic sentences with =ndaje: The clitic =ndaje (glossed ‘=’) is optional in Guaranı́, and its absence does not imply direct evidence (unlike in e.g. Quechua, Faller 2002). Pablo’s utterance in (1) implies both that the father is still working (the ‘prejacent’ implication, p) and that it was said that his father is still working (the ‘reportative’ implication, ndaje(p)). Evidence for the two implications is e.g. that (1) can be followed up with both the (Guaranı́ version of the) question ‘Who said that?’ and the question ‘And when is he going to stop?’. (1) Context: Pablo arrives at his parents’ house. His father isn’t there. Pablo tells his mother:
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